Bibliography

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From CODECS: Online Database and e-Resources for Celtic Studies


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Results (8)
Dumville, David N., “Frivolity and reform in the church: the Irish experience, 1066–1166”, Studies in Church History 48 — The church and literature (2012): 47–64.
abstract:

In mid November 1064, what was perhaps the most important pre-Crusade pilgrimage to Jerusalem left Bavaria under the leadership of Günther, bishop of Bamberg. The number of pilgrims, all unarmed, is stated as some seven thousand in the least incredible source text. The leading ecclesiastics came from all over the northern half of the Empire, from Utrecht to Regensburg. A substantial contingent hailed from the province of Mainz, led by Archbishop Siegfried. Only some two thousand are said to have returned the following year. Our earliest source is the chronicle kept at Mainz by the Gaelic inclusus, Moelbrigte / Marianus Scottus (d. 1082/3), who had lived at Mainz since 1069 and was certainly writing his chronicle by 1073/4.

Olson, Katharine K., “‘Y Ganrif Fawr’? Piety, literature and patronage in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Wales”, Studies in Church History 48 (2012): 107–123.
abstract:

This essay offers a reconsideration of the idea of ‘The Great Century’ of Welsh literature (1435–1535) and related assumptions of periodization for understanding the development of lay piety and literature in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Wales. It focuses on the origins of these ideas in (and their debt to) modern Welsh nationalist and Protestant and Catholic confessional thought, and their significance for the interpretation of Welsh literature and history. In addition, it questions their accuracy and usefulness in the light of contemporary patterns of manuscript production, patronage and devotional content of Welsh books of poetry and prose produced by the laity during and after this ‘golden age’ of literature. Despite the existence of over a hundred printed works in Welsh by 1660, the vernacular manuscript tradition remained robust; indeed, ‘native culture for the most part continued to be transmitted as it had been transmitted for centuries, orally or in manuscript’ until the eighteenth century. Bardic poetry’s value as a fundamental source for the history of medieval Ireland and Wales has been rightly acknowledged. However, more generally, Welsh manuscripts of both poetry and prose must be seen as a crucial historical source. They tell us much about contemporary views, interests and priorities, and offer a significant window onto the devotional world of medieval and early modern Welsh men and women. Drawing on recent work on Welsh literature, this paper explores the production and patronage of such books and the dynamics of cultural and religious change. Utilizing National Library of Wales Llanstephan MS 117D as a case study, it also examines their significance and implications for broader trends in lay piety and the nature of religious change in Wales.

Ryan, Salvador, “‘No milkless cow’: the Cross of Christ in medieval Irish literature”, Studies in Church History 48 (2012): 83–106.
abstract:

The cross of Christ in the Middle Ages was the most powerful symbol of God’s victory over sin, death and the forces of evil, while also representing the most abject suffering and degradation of Jesus Christ, the God-Man. A simplistic reading of the evolution of the theology of the cross during this period posits a transition from the early medieval victorious and heroic Christ figure, reigning and triumphant upon the cross, to a late medieval emaciated and tortured object of pity whose ignominious death was supposed to elicit heartfelt compassion for his plight and sincere sorrow for the sin which placed him on the beams of the tree of crucifixion. Of course, there is a great deal of value in this argument, and much evidence might be brought forward to support its central thesis. However, it should not be pushed too far; it might also be remembered that the essential paradox of Christ the victor-victim is a constant theme in Christian theology, expressed in the sixth-century Vexilla regis in its identification of the cross as ‘victim of the passion’s glory, by which life brought death to an end, and, by death, gave life again’ and in the hymn Victimae paschali laudes from the central medieval period: ‘Death with life contended, combat strangely ended, life’s own champion slain yet lives to reign’. The image of the victorious cross of Christ, conceived of as simultaneously an instrument of triumph and of torture, would persist right through the late medieval period, despite the development of a greater emphasis on the physical sufferings of Christ in his passion and their ever more graphic depictions. This essay, which examines the way in which the cross of Christ is presented in medieval Irish literature, provides sufficient examples to make this point clear; these are drawn from a variety of sources including religious verse, saints’ lives, medieval travel accounts and sermon material. Of course, these examples are best viewed within the context of a broader medieval European devotional culture from which Ireland was certainly not immune.

Wilson, Chris, “The Vision of St Fursa in thirteenth-century didactic literature*”, Studies in Church History 47 (2011): 159–170.
Ryan, Salvador, “‘I, too, am a Christian’: early martyrs and their lives in the late medieval and early modern Irish manuscript tradition”, Studies in Church History 47 (2011): 193–207.
Ryan, Salvador, “Fixing the eschatological scales: judgement of the soul in late medieval and early modern Irish tradition”, Studies in Church History 45 (2009): 184–195.
OʼLoughlin, Thomas, “Palestine in the aftermath of the Arab Conquest: the earliest Latin account”, Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 78–89.
abstract:
Written, probably, in the early 680s on lona, Adomnán’s De locis sanctis has excited interest, and been used as a quarry for facts about the Holy Land, ever since. It purports to report the pilgrim experiences of a ‘bishop of the Gaulish race’ (prooemium, I), Arculf, who, when later on Iona, told of what he had seen in Palestine, Alexandria, and Constantinople. Realising his ‘scoop’, Adomnán set the details down in a permanent record. Within twenty years this formed the basis of a more concise account by Bede, who added a few details of his own about Arculf which have become standard elements of the latter’s biography: the pilgrim, returning home, was blown by a gale on to the western shores of Britain, and thence he travelled to Iona where he told his story. However, while Arculf - through either Adomnán’s or Bede’s account - is the focus of attention in scholarship using these works as evidence, Bede recognized the expertise of Adomnán in the work, and did not reduce him to the status of an amanuensis.
Gwynn, Aubrey, “The Irish missal of Corpus Christi College, Oxford”, Studies in Church History 1 (1964): 47–68.

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